UK Policy on Israel

UK Policy on Israel-Palestine: key policy shifts under Labour and next steps

Policy shifts since July 2024:

• Hostages and Hamas: the government has consistently called for the release of all hostages and for the removal of Hamas from any political role in Gaza.
• Arms Exports: In September 2024, the UK suspended about 30 arms export licences to Israel (roughly 10% of the total), marking the first such curtailment since 2014
• International Law: The new Labour government immediately withdrew the UK’s legal objection to the International Criminal Court (ICC) war crimes investigation in Palestine,  reversing months of British policy and defying pressure from Washington. Britain also began supporting United Nations calls for ceasefires and humanitarian pauses in Gaza – a clear reversal of the previous government’s stance.
• Sanctions: Britain joined key allies in sanctioning extremist Israeli officials in 2025. In June 2025, the UK coordinated with Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Norway to impose sanctions on two far-right Israeli ministers – Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich – for inciting violence against Palestinians. In May 2025 the government Britain imposed measures on three more individuals, two illegal settler outposts, and two organizations involved in violent attacks on Palestinians.
• Diplomacy: the government has worked on a series of joint measures with partners like Germany,  France, Australia and Canada. The UK chaired humanitarian working group at the New York conference convened by Saudi Arabia and France to rejuvenate the two state solution
• Palestine Recognition: In July 2025, London signalled its willingness to recognise the State of Palestine if Israel refused to change course – a notable break from past British policy. statehood as a legitimate tool to advance a just outcome, rather than a mere end-point of negotiations.

Next steps:

• Arms Embargo: Impose a full arms embargo and halt all military cooperation with Israel until it abides by international humanitarian law.
• Trade Measures: Ban all trade and services from settlements and settlement linked Israeli businesses and invoke the human-rights clause in the UK–Israel trade agreement to suspend Israel’s preferential trade access due to its grave breaches of international law.
• Accountability: Expand targeted sanctions (asset freezes, travel bans) on officials and companies fuelling settlement expansion or war crimes.
• Humanitarian Action: Demand an immediate end to the Gaza blockade and continue to unequivocally condemn the tactics of starvation and collective punishment being inflicted on Gaza’s civilian population.
• Diplomacy and Rights: Unconditionally recognise the State of Palestine on the 1967 lines (the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza) to affirm Palestinian rights and preserve the possibility of a two-state solution. Make recognition the beginning of full throttle support for the State of Palestine

Introduction

On 8 August 2025, the UK Prime Minister led international condemnation of Israel’s War Cabinet decision to re-occupy Gaza City, and the next day London issued a joint statement with Australia, Germany, Italy and New Zealand firmly rejecting the plan. These moves – coming after a series of similar public criticisms coordinated with France and Germany – marked a clear shift in Britain’s approach since the July 2024 general election. In its first year, the Labour government resumed humanitarian aid to the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA), backed international legal efforts to hold perpetrators accountable, partially curbed arms sales to Israel, and for the first time sanctioned extremist Israeli officials and settlers for abuses. In July the government said it would recognise the State of Palestine in September at the UNGA. This represents a marked change from the previous Conservative government’s neutral or explicitly pro-Israel stance to a more critical posture under Labour. However, the BPP and many Labour Party members and voters urge the UK to move further – joining those countries imposing serious political and economic costs and pursuing legal action against Israel’s violations – arguing that the time to act for a just peace is now.

Conservative Party’s Israel-Palestine Stance Over Time

Historically, the Conservative Party was never a strong champion of Palestinian rights, but its position has hardened in recent years into one largely aligned with Israel’s government. Under Prime Minister David Cameron (2010–2016) and his Foreign Secretary William Hague, the UK maintained a more balanced tone. London continued to endorse a two-state solution and occasionally criticize Israeli actions – for example, condemning the expansion of settlements – and Hague pointedly stated in 2011 that Britain “reserves the right to recognise a Palestinian state at a moment of our choosing, when it can best help bring about peace”. Indeed, Cameron’s government even temporarily froze some arms exports to Israel during the 2014 Gaza war, following a precedent of past UK leaders (from Edward Heath to Gordon Brown) who each halted certain arms deliveries during major flare-ups.

By contrast, under Boris Johnson (2019–2022) the Conservative government grew unmistakably more pro-Israel. Johnson’s administration staunchly opposed any unilateral recognition of Palestine and showed little appetite for pressuring Israel on human rights. It focused instead on deepening ties – for example, launching negotiations on a new UK-Israel free trade deal and moving to ban public bodies from boycotting Israel. In 2019, the Johnson government confirmed a policy to prevent local councils or other public institutions from instituting their own boycotts against countries like Israel (a law ultimately passed in 2023). It also signed a comprehensive “2030 Roadmap” agreement with Israel in 2023, pledging deeper cooperation across sectors including trade, tech, and security. Johnson and his ministers portrayed the UK as an unconditionally staunch ally of Israel, even as Israeli settlements and military operations provoked international criticism.

Johnson’s short-lived successor, Liz Truss, signalled an even sharper tilt. In 2022 Truss initiated an official review into moving the British Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem – a controversial break with decades of UK policy. The idea, welcomed by Israeli leaders at the time, provoked a backlash from Palestinian officials, Arab and European partners, and domestic critics who warned it would violate international consensus. Ultimately the embassy move was dropped after Truss left office; by November 2022 the new Sunak government confirmed it had “no plans” to relocate the embassy, effectively abandoning Truss’s proposal.

Under Rishi Sunak (2022–2024), this pro-Israel trend continued. Sunak offered unequivocal support for Israel’s right to self-defence during the October 2023 Gaza war and closely aligned the UK with the United States on diplomatic responses. In the conflict’s immediate aftermath, Sunak declared that “Britain is with you… Israel has every right to defend itself,” pledging “unstinting, unqualified” UK support for Israel’s security. His government largely echoed Washington’s positions at the UN, often shielding Israel from censure. For instance, when a draft UN Security Council resolution in October 2023 called for a “humanitarian pause” in Gaza, the UK abstained – mirroring U.S. concerns – on the grounds that the text did not explicitly mention Hamas’s terrorism or Israel’s right to self-defence. Two days earlier, Britain had even joined the US (and France) in voting against a more strongly worded ceasefire resolution that failed to reference Hamas’s October 7 attacks. Sunak’s government also attempted to block international legal scrutiny of Israeli actions: in late June 2024, just weeks before leaving office, it filed an amicus brief contesting the ICC’s jurisdiction over the occupied Palestinian territory (a move reversed by the incoming Labour administration).

In sum, while past Conservative leaders maintained at least a rhetorically even-handed approach, by the early 2020s the party’s policy had shifted to an unabashedly pro-Israel stance – with the brief Truss premiership and the Sunak government representing the apex of this trend.

UK Labour vs. Conservative Governments on Israel-Palestine (2023–2025)

The change of government in July 2024 from Conservative to Labour brought measurable shifts in Britain’s Israel-Palestine policy. Notably, both parties initially responded to Hamas’s 7 October 2023 attacks and the ensuing Gaza war with similar rhetoric – then-Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and then-Opposition Leader Keir Starmer each offered “unconditional support” for Israel’s right to self-defence in those early days. However, once in office, the Labour government’s actions diverged from its predecessors in several important areas.

Arms Exports

Under the Conservative Sunak government (Oct 2023 – Jul 2024), the UK continued exporting arms to Israel as normal, despite rising concerns that those weapons could be used in Gaza. No export licences were revoked or even reviewed in that period; in fact, between 7 October 2023 and May 2024 the government approved over 100 additional arms export licences for Israel. Ministers repeatedly rejected calls to suspend arms exports during the Gaza conflict, insisting they were following legal guidelines. Sunak’s ministers also deepened strategic cooperation – signing the UK-Israel 2030 Roadmap in March 2023 to enhance defence, security and technology ties. By contrast, the Labour government took a modest but significant step in autumn 2024: Foreign Secretary David Lammy suspended 30 out of about 350 extant UK export licences for military goods to Israel (in September 2024) – though it has approved new licences since then. The suspended licences  included components for aircraft, drones and targeting systems – reflecting evidence that British-made parts were being used in Israel’s Gaza offensive. Human rights groups pointed out that this suspension affected less than 10% of licensed exports to Israel, far short of a full embargo, but it still marked the first time the UK had curtailed arms to Israel since the 2014 Gaza war. (Such partial freezes have precedent: past UK governments from Heath and Thatcher to Blair, Brown, and Cameron each halted certain arms deliveries during major conflicts.) Notably, even after the 2024 suspension, some military cooperation quietly continues – (e.g. components for the F-35 fighter jet program were exempted due to multinational supply chain obligations and overflights continued until at least July 2025).

Sanctions

The previous Conservative government imposed no sanctions on Israeli individuals or entities for conduct in the occupied territory. The Labour government joined a multilateral sanctions effort in 2025. In June 2025, the UK – coordinating with Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Norway – sanctioned two far-right Israeli ministers, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, for inciting extremist violence against Palestinians. These figures, architects of aggressive settlement expansion and virulently anti-Palestinian rhetoric, were hit with travel bans and asset freezes across all five allied countries. (Notably, David Cameron, while serving as Foreign Secretary in the final months of the Conservative government, later revealed he had considered sanctioning those same individuals in mid-2024 but “held back” on advice that it would be too political during an election period.) In May 2025 it went further by sanctioning additional perpetrators on the ground. Britain imposed measures on three more individuals, two illegal settler outposts, and two organizations involved in violent attacks on Palestinian communities in the West Bank. These sanctions targeted, for example, notorious settler leader Daniella Weiss and others linked to organizing or funding assaults on Palestinian villagers. The penalties included asset freezes and travel bans. The UK coordinated these moves carefully with allies to maximize impact and underscore international disapproval of escalating settler violence.

Trade Measures

In conjunction with the above steps, the UK government in May 2025 announced an immediate formal pause of its ongoing free trade agreement negotiations with Israel. While Britain said it remains committed to the existing UK-Israel Trade and Partnership Agreement (signed in 2019), ministers made clear that proceeding with talks on a new, upgraded trade deal had become impossible given Prime Minister Netanyahu’s “egregious” policies in Gaza and the West Bank. This move effectively put a planned deepening of UK-Israel economic ties on hold. It also raised the question going forward of whether the UK should recalibrate the current trade relationship itself if Israel’s policies of enforced famine and acts of genocide persist.

Recognition of the State of Palestine

Conservative governments consistently opposed immediately recognising the State of Palestine, maintaining that British recognition should come only as part of a final peace agreement negotiated between the parties. This remained firm under Cameron, May, Johnson and others – even as an overwhelming majority of countries worldwide (150 by the end of September 2025) have unilaterally recognised Palestine. In 2014, the UK Parliament voted in favour of a (non-binding) motion to recognise Palestine, but the Conservative government at the time (under David Cameron) did not act on it. The official stance was to reserve recognition for when it could “best help” the peace process. Labour held this position until July 2025 when the government’s position shifted dramatically. Amid the worsening Israel created crisis in Gaza, Britain signalled that it was prepared to formally recognise the State of Palestine if Israel did not agree to a ceasefire and allow humanitarian aid into Gaza. This conditional pledge – essentially using the prospect of recognition as leverage – marked a significant break with past policy. It was dismissed and condemned within 24 hours by Israeli Prime Netanyahu. Were the UK to follow through, it would become, with France, the first G7 country to recognize Palestine, joining the overwhelming majority of UN member states that already do. (France had already indicated a similar readiness to recognise Palestine, and Canada and Malta shortly thereafter aligned with the Franco-British position, suggesting a coordinated shift might be on the horizon.)

Contrasting languages and votes at the  UN

Nowhere has the change in UK policy been more apparent than at the United Nations. During the height of Israel’s Gaza offensive in late 2023, Rishi Sunak’s Conservative government often shielded Israel on the world stage. In the UN Security Council, Britain closely aligned with Washington to block or dilute resolutions pressing for a humanitarian ceasefire. For example, on 18 October 2023 the UK abstained (and the US vetoed) a Brazilian-led Security Council draft that urged “humanitarian pauses” in Gaza – with Britain’s envoy arguing the text was unacceptable because it didn’t explicitly condemn Hamas’s terrorism. Two days earlier, the UK had even joined the US and France in voting against a Russian-backed draft calling for a “humanitarian ceasefire” (that draft failed to mention Hamas’s 7 October attacks at all). British officials at the time echoed the US line that an unconditional ceasefire would reward Hamas; as one U.S. diplomat put it, a ceasefire with no terms “means the Council accepts Hamas retaining power in Gaza” – a position the UK publicly endorsed. This reluctance to pressure Israel carried over into the UN General Assembly as well. On 27 October 2023, when the General Assembly overwhelmingly passed a resolution for an “immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce” in Gaza, 120 countries voted in favour – but the UK was one of just 23 that abstained, citing the lack of explicit language condemning Hamas’s attacks (a Canadian amendment to add such language had failed). As the war continued, Britain similarly withheld support from subsequent General Assembly ceasefire resolutions. In mid-December 2023, a resounding 153 UN member states – including France, India, Canada, and Australia – voted YES on a resolution demanding an immediate Gaza ceasefire, while only 10 (notably the US and Israel) voted No. The UK again was among a small minority of 23 states that abstained, unwilling to directly criticize Israel’s military campaign even as the vast majority of the international community called for an end to the bloodshed. This 153–10 vote left the United States and its few like-minded partners looking increasingly isolated. It also underscored that Britain under the Conservatives preferred to quietly oppose or sit out such measures rather than join in reproaching Israel’s tactics.

After taking office, the Starmer government markedly recalibrated the UK’s tone at the UN, moving closer to the international humanitarian consensus. One of the new government’s first foreign policy acts in July 2024 was to withdraw the UK’s legal amicus brief opposing the International Criminal Court’s inquiry in Palestine, as noted above. In the UN, Britain switched from obstructing ceasefire initiatives to advocating for humanitarian pauses and eventually a full ceasefire. In autumn 2024, the UK helped push for temporary “humanitarian pauses” in the fighting to allow aid delivery into Gaza. By late 2024, with Gaza’s civilian death toll climbing, British officials publicly joined calls for an immediate and full ceasefire – a notable change from Sunak’s hesitancy just months prior. In early 2025, Foreign Secretary Lammy told Parliament that “we continue to press for a ceasefire,” underscoring that only an end to the war would “bring these horrors to an end” and allow all hostages (Israeli and others) to be freed. In May 2025, Britain, France, and Canada issued a scathing joint condemnation of Israel’s conduct in Gaza – one of the most significant public rebukes of Israel by Western leaders. The joint statement (signed by Prime Minister Starmer alongside President Macron and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada) expressed horror at the “utterly intolerable” level of suffering in Gaza and demanded an immediate ceasefire plus a lifting of the siege, warning Israel that “concrete actions” would follow if it did not comply  Indeed, within days Britain followed through by suspending its free trade agreement talks with Israel and imposing the new round of settlement-related sanctions noted above.

Next steps

With famine now officially recognised and the warnings of genocide clear in ICJ judgements requiring actions to prevent, the time to act is now. Famine can be prevented by the delivery of the food that sits outside Gaza. Genocide could be prevented by unified global action against Israel. The Labour government has done more than its predecessors but there is much more that can be done and the situation in Gaza and the West Bank has never been worse, so there is much more that the government must do.